CHAP. for however much familiarized Virginia and most of the I. other colonies had become to savage warfare, Pennsylvania, 1756. until now, had been comparatively and happily exempt.

For more than seventy years a strict amity had existed between the early English settlers and their successors in Pennsylvania and New Jersey,' and the breaking forth of the war created the greater consternation on that account.

It appears that the Quakers,—a people who have at all times manifested a deep solicitude for the welfare of the Indians, and whose benevolent principles and gentle manners have, in all critical emergencies, more than anything else won the red man's confidence-had previously discovered some uneasiness among the Indians, connected with certain land questions, in respect of which they were not quite clear that injustice had not been done their red brethren of the forest. While, therefore, the government was making such preparations as it could for the common defense, great and persevering efforts were made, under the urgent advisement of the Quakers, to win back the friendship of the Delawares, and also that of the Shawnese. It was the opinion of these good people, as has already been intimated, that in their revolt the Delawares had been moved by wrongs, either real or fancied-and if the latter, not the less wrongs to their clouded apprehensions,-in regard to some of their lands. A pacific mission to the Delawares and Shawnese was therefore recommended and strongly urged by them, and the project was acceded to by Governor Morris. Difficulties meantime increased, and the ravages of the frontiers were continued, until the war path flowed with blood. The influence of Sir William Johnson and the Six Nations with the Delawares, was invoked by the Pennsylvanians, and Governor Morris with the governor of New York, added his solicitations to the same purpose. The parent government also urged the representatives of the Proprietaries to renew their

1 Proud.

2

2 Governor Hardy to the lords of trade, 10th May, 1756.

I.

Indian negotiations, and if possible arrive at a better CHAP. understanding with them, by defining explicitly the lands that had been actually purchased.1

It was with a view of influencing the Six Nations to interpose with their dependants, the Delawares, that in the early part of February, the Baronet summoned the Six Nations to a conference at Mount Johnson. The Confederates were at first indisposed to interfere with the affairs of the southern Indians. Their deliberations were, also, according to Indian ceremonial, slow. It was not, therefore, until the end of February, that the influence of the Baronet prevailed; the Six Nations through Red Head, their speaker, solemnly promising to use their utmost endeavors "to put an end" as they expressed it" to the unhappy proceedings of their nephews and dependants."?

The result was, that several chiefs of the Confederacy, at the urgent solicitation of the Baronet, went as delegates from their people to the Delawares early in the spring. This mission was successful. The Delawares repented of their conduct, and with the most solemn asseverations, promised "never again to hurt the hair of any Englishman;" proposing at the same time a conference at Onondaga, naming even the day. Fearing, however, that the southern Indians might be dilatory, the Baronet, before setting out, sent a messenger to the Onondaga castle to ascertain if they had been punctual to their engagement. The messenger reported on his return, that a full delegation from the south had not yet arrived, but brought at the same time such pressing solicitations from the Onondaga sachems to come up and meet them, that Sir William, although in poor health-the consequence of his wound received at Lake George, from which he had not yet recovered-resolved at once to undertake the journey.

Just as the Baronet was upon the point of setting out,

1 Chapman.

2 Minutes of the council at Mount Johnson, Feb. 1756.

1756.

CHAP. and after he had, as he supposed, arranged everything for I. an amicable adjustment of all difficulties, he received 1756. intelligence that the governor of Pennsylvania had issued

1

a formal declaration of war against the Delawares and Shawnese, and had offered a reward for their scalps. Simultaneously with this news, the Half King and several other chiefs of the Confederates, who had lately visited Philadelphia, accompanied by Colonel Claus and Andrew Montour, at this time Sir William's secretary and interpreter, for the purpose of an amicable settlement with the Delawares, returned to Mount Johnson. They reported that Governor Morris had acquainted them with his declaration of war, and had given them a war belt to present to the Six Nations in his name, at the same time allowing the Quakers to offer them a peace belt to be also given to their people. These contradictory measures, together with these opposite belts, the Half King reported to Sir William, at a small conference of the Six Nations held at Mount Johnson, expressing his surprise that the same province should authorize such contradictions. 2

When the Indian relations were in such a critical state, this declaration of war was, on the part of Governor Morris, decidedly ill-advised. The Baronet not having been consulted, and having arranged his plans predicated on an amicable adjustment of difficulties, was at a loss what course to adopt. The embarrassing situation in which he was placed, is evident from the following extract of a letter written by him, on the receipt of this intelligence, to Governor Shirley:

"Sir Charles Hardy writes me that Governor Morris, by the public prints had declared war against the Delaware and Shawnese Indians. I am surprised that Mr. Morris,

1 Memorial of the Quakers already cited.

2 Johnson to the lords of trade, 28th May, 1756.

It is true that the council of Governor Morris, perceiving the absurdity of these two belts, countermanded the peace-belt of the Quakers, but not until it was too late to prevent much mischief.

I.

whose province was so much interested in the result of the CHAP. Six Nations' embassy to those Indians, who was a principal in it and to whom I sent a copy of my late proceedings, 175g. would not wait to hear the effects of this embassy, before he entered into this consequential measure.

"What will the Delawares and Shawnese think of such opposition and contradiction in our conduct? How shall I behave at the approaching meeting at Onondaga, not only to those Indians, but to the Six Nations? These hostile measures which Governor Morris has entered into, is throwing all our schemes into confusion, and must materially give the Six Nations such impressions, and the French such advantages to work against us, that I tremble for the consequences. I think without consulting your excellency, without the concurrence of the other neighboring provinces, without my receiving previous notice of it, this is a very unadvised and unaccountable proceeding of Governor Morris. I cannot but be of opinion that if terms of good accommodation can be brought about, that in the present critical situation of affairs, it will be far more eligible than to enter into hostilities against these Indians, especially as a few days will determine what part we have to choose. I hope your excellency will take this interesting affair into your consideration, and make use of such interposition as you shall judge necessary thereupon."1

On the receipt of this letter, Governor Shirley wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania, enclosing the letter from which the above extract is taken; and though he was unsuccessful in effecting a withdrawal of the declaration, yet it was so far modified as to include only those "implacable and obstinate enemies, and not against any that now are or hereafter may be disposed to hearken to the Six Nations in our favor."2

In the face of these untoward circumstances, the Baronet

1 Manuscript letter: Johnson to Shirley, 24th April, 1756.

2 Manuscript letter: Richard Peters, by order of the council, to Shirley, 6th May, 1756.

I.

CHAP. set out on the third of June for the congress at Onondaga, arriving there upon the fifteenth. His arrival was none 1756. too early to defeat the machinations of the French. Early in the spring there were indications of a growing disaffection among the Six Nations, arising from the want of vigor which had so characterized the military operations of the English. The wretched condition of the important garrison at Oswego; the thinly garrisoned forts at the great carrying place and Lake George; and the regiments lying idle at Albany and Schenectady, were all pointed out by the Confederates as indicative of weakness and bad management. These manifestations of ill-feeling, the French did not fail to take advantage of; and on the Baronet's arrival at Onondaga, he found his suspicions-that the Confederates were yielding to the arts of the Frenchfully confirmed. To such an extent had the disaffection spread, that it required a variety of arguments, and his utmost influence "to expel the French poison and reanimate them to the English interest."2 His efforts, however, were so far successful, that the Six Nations expressed themselves as sincerely disposed to second any vigorous attempts which might be made against the French. They also engaged to set on foot negotiations among their allies to prevail upon them to unite in favor of the English interest.3 But far the most important result-considering the jealousy which the Indians ever entertained towards any movement tending to a permanent occupation of their land-was their permission to lay out a road to Oswego through their country, and to build a fort at Oswego Falls. The condition, however, upon which the latter favor was obtained was, that in case an accommodation with France should ensue, the fort should either be utterly destroyed or delivered over into the hands of the Six Nations. 1

These important points being gained, the attention of

1 Johnson to the lords of trade, 28th May, 1756.

2 Johnson to the lords of trade, 17th July, 1756.

3 Johnson to the lords of trade last cited.

+ Idem.