CONCLUSION OF A CELEBRATED SPEECH OF MR. PITT, IN 1770, IN SUPPORT OF A MOTION MADE IN PARLIAMENT, TO Request the King To LAY BEFORE THAT BODY, ALL THE PAPERS, RELATIVE TO CERTAIN DEPREDATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS, AND LIKEWISE TO A TREATY, WHICH HE WAS THEN NEGOCIATING WITH SPAIN.

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MY LORDS,

HAVE taken a wide circuit, and trefpaffed, I fear, too long upon your patience. Yet I cannot conclude without endeavoring to bring home your thoughts to an object more immediately interefting to us, than any I have yet confidered: I mean the internal condition of this country. We may look abroad for wealth, or triumphs, or luxury; but England, my lords, is the main ftay, the last refort of the whole empire. To this point, every scheme of policy, whether foreign or domeftic, fhould ultimately refer.

Have any measures been taken to fatisfy, or to unite the people? Are the grievances they have fo long complained of removed? or do they ftand not only unredreffed, but aggravated? Is the right of free election restored to the elective body? My lords, I myfelf am one of the people. I efteem that fecurity and independence, which is the original birthright of an Englishman, far beyond the privileges, however fplendid, which are annexed to the peerage. I myself am by birth an English elector, and join with the freeholders of England as in a common caufe. Believe me, my lords, we mistake our real intereft as much as our duty, when we feparate ourselves from the mass of the people.

Can it be expected that Englishmen will unite heartily in defence of a government, by which they feel themfelves infulted and oppreffed? Reftore them to their

rights; that is the true way to make them unanimous. It is not a ceremonious recommendation from the throne, that can bring back peace and harmony to a difcontented people. That infipid annual opiate has been administered so long, that it has loft its effect. Something substantial, fomething effectual must be done.

The public credit of the nation ftands next in degree to the rights of the conftitution; it calls loudly for the interpofition of Parliament. There is a fet of men, my lords, in the city of London, who are known to live in riot and luxury, upon the plunder of the ignorant, the innocent, the helpless; upon that part of the community, which stands moft in need of, and best deferves the care and protection of the legislature. To me, my lords, whether they be miferable jobbers of Exchange Alley, or the lofty Afiatic plunderers of Leadenhall-street, they are all equally deteftable. I care but little whether a man walks on foot, or is drawn by eight or fix horfes. If his luxury be fupported by the plunder of his country, I despise and deteft him.

My lords, while I had the honor of ferving his Majefty, I never ventured to look at the treasury but at a diftance; it is a business I am unfit for, and to which I never could have fubmitted. The little I know of it has not ferved to raise my opinion of what is vulgarly called the monied intereft; I mean that bloodfucker, that muck-worm, which calls itfelf the friend of government; that pretends to ferve this or that administration, and may be purchased, on the fame terms, by any administration; that advances money to government, and takes special care of its own emoluments. I hope, my lords, that nothing I have faid will be understood to extend to the honest, industrious tradesman, who holds the middle rank, and has given repeated proofs, that he prefers law and liberty to gold. I love that class of men. Much lefs would I be thought to reflect upon the fair merchant, whofe liberal com

merce is the prime fource of national wealth. I esteem his occupation, and refpect his character.

My lords, if the general reprefentation which I have had the honor to lay before you, of the fituation of public affairs, has in any measure engaged your attention, your lordships, I am sure, will agree with me, that the feafon calls for more than common prudence and vigour in the direction of your councils. The difficulty of the crifis demands a wife, a firm, and a popular administration. The difhonourable traffic of places has engaged us too long. Upon this fubject, my lords, I fpeak without intereft or enmity. I have no perfonal objection to any of the king's fervants. I fhall never be minifter; certainly, not without full power to cut away all the rotten branches of government. Yet, unconcerned as I truly am for myself, I cannot avoid feeing fome capital errors in the diftribution of the royal favour.

I know I fhall be accufed of attempting to revive diftinctions. My lords, if it were poffible, I would abolish all diftinctions. I would not with the favours of the crown to flow invariably in one channel. But there are fome diftinctions which are inherent in the nature of things. There is a diftinction between right and wrong; between whig and tory.

When I fpeak of an adminiftration, fuch as the neceffity of the feafon calls for, my views are large and comprehenfive. It must be popular, that it may begin with reputation. It must be ftrong within itself, that it may proceed with vigour and decifion. An adminiftration, formed upon an exclufive fyftem of family connexions, or private friendfhips, cannot, I am convinced, be long fupported in this country.

I fhall trouble your lordships with but a few words more. His majefty tells us in his speech, that he will call upon us for our advice, if it fhould be neceffary in the farther progrefs of this affair. It is not eafy to fay whether or not the miniftry are ferious in this declaration; nor what is meant by the progrefs of an affair,

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which refts upon one fixed point. Hitherto we have not been called upon. But though we are not confulted, it is our right and duty, as the king's great hereditary council, to offer him our advice. The papers, mentioned in the noble Duke's motion, will enable us to form a juft and accurate opinion of the conduct of his Majefty's fervants, though not of the actual state of their honorable negociations.

The miniftry, too, feem to want advice upon fome points, in which their own fafety is immediately concerned. They are now balancing between a war, which they ought to have forefeen; but for which they have made no provifion, and an ignominious compromife. Let me warn them of their danger. If they are forced into a war, they ftand it at the hazard of their heads. If, by an ignominious compromife, they fhould ftain the honor of the crown, or facrifice the rights of the people, let them look to their confciences, and confider whether they will be able to walk the ftreets in fafety.

SOCRATES' DEFENCE BEFORE HIS ACCUSERS. AND JUDGES.

AM accused of corrupting the youth, and of inftill

gard to the worfhip of the gods, as the rulers of government. You know, Athenians, I never made it my profeffion to teach; nor can envy, however violent against me, reproach me with having ever fold my inftructions. I have an undeniable evidence for me in

this refpect, which is my poverty. Always equally ready to communicate my thoughts either to the rich or poor, and to give them entire leifure to queftion or anfwer me, I lend myself to every one who is defirous of becoming virtuous; and if amongst those who hear me, there are any who prove either good or bad, neither the virtues of the one, nor the vices of the other,

to which I have not contributed, are to be afcribed to

me.

My whole employment is to perfuade the young and old against too much love for the body, for riches, and all other precarious things of whatsoever nature they be, and against too little regard for the foul, which ought to be the object of their affection. For I inceffantly urge to you, that virtue does not proceed from riches, but on the contrary, riches from virtue; and that all the other goods of human life, as well public as private, have their fource in the fame principle.

If to fpeak in this manner be to corrupt youth, I confefs, Athenians, that I am guilty, and deferve to be punished. If what I fay be not true, it is moft eafy to convict me of my falfehood. I fee here a great number of my difciples: they have only to appear. But perhaps the referve and confideration for a mafter, who has inftructed them, will prevent them from declaring against me at least their fathers, brothers, and uncles cannot, as good relations, and good citizens, difpenfe with their not standing forth to demand vengeance agaiuft the corrupter of their fons, brothers, and nephews. But these are the perfons who take upon them my defence, and intereft themfelves in the fuccefs of my caufe.

Pafs on me what fentence you please, Athenians; but I can neither repent nor change my conduct. I muft not abandon or fufpend a function, which God himfelf has impofed on me, fince he has charged me with the care of inftructing my fellow-citizens. If, after having faithfully kept all the ports, wherein I was placed by our generals, the fear of death fhould at this time make me abandon that in which the Divine Providence has placed me, by commanding me to pafs my life in the ftudy of philofophy, for the inftruction of myself and others; this would be a moft criminal desertion indeed, and make me highly worthy of being cited before this tribunal, as an impious man who does not believe the gods.