rested and imprisoned by the British authorities in Ireland on suspicion of being in sympathy with the Irish National Land League. Mr. Blaine incloses a copy of the certificate of the naturalization of Denis H. O'Connor, and also of a letter from P. C. O'Connor above mentioned, by which it appears that the said Denis went to Ireland about four years ago, and engaged in general drapery business in Charleville, in the county of Cork, under the firm name of O'Connor and Malony, and in Kilmallock, Limerick County, under the firm name of D. H. O'Connor and Co. It is further stated that his incarceration, if continued, may prove fatal, as his health is not good, and may also injure him financially, as he is at the head of the two business establishments, with all his means at present in the hands of strange clerks and salesmen. Under these circumstances, Mr. Blaine instructs me to bring this subject to the attention of your lordship, with the request that I may be informed as to the grounds upon which Mr. O'Connor was arrested and imprisoned. I have, &c., No. 18. Earl Granville to Mr. Lowell. J. R. LOWELL. FOREIGN OFFICE, December 30, 1881. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 23d instant, requesting, on behalf of your government, to be informed as to the grounds upon which Denis H. O'Connor was arrested and imprisoned by the British authoritie sin Îreland; and I have the honor to acquaint you, in reply, that I have referred your application to the proper department of Her Majesty's Government. I have, &c., No. 19. Earl Granville to Mr. Lowell. GRANVILLE. FOREIGN OFFICE, January, 26, 1882. SIR: With reference to my letter of the 30th ultimo, I have the honor to acquaint you that Her Majesty's secretary of state for the home department has forwarded to me a copy of a communication which he has received from the lord lieutenant of Ireland, in which the latter states that Denis Hayes O'Connor was arrested on the 22d October last, under his excellency's warrant issued pursuant to the protection of person and property (Ireland) act, 1881, on the ground that he was reasonably suspected of inciting to intimidation against the payment of rent. His excellency proceeds to state that he has no reason to doubt the propriety of the arrest, but will, however, cause inquiry to be made with the view of considering whether the prisoner could now be discharged without danger to the peace of the district. I shall not fail to communicate to you anything further which I may hear upon the subject. I have, &c., GRANVILLE. • No. 20. Earl Granville to Mr. Lowell. FOREIGN OFFICE, February 2, 1882. SIR: With reference to my letter of the 30th December last, I have been informed by Her Majesty's secretary of state for the home department that he did not fail to refer to the lord lieutenant of Ireland your communication on the subject of Denis Hayes O'Connor, now in custody under the protection of person and property (Ireland) act, 1881, but that his excellency has expressed his regret that he cannot, consistently with his duty, order the prisoner's release at present. I have, &c., GRANVILLE. No. 21. Mr. West to Earl Granville. WASHINGTON, January 25, 1882. (Received February 12.) My LORD: I have the honor to inform your lordship that the Committee on Foreign Affairs has reported back to the House a resolution to the following effect: "That the President be requested to obtain from the British Government a list of all American citizens, naturalized or native-born, under arrest or imprisonment by authority of said government, with a statement of the causes of such arrest or imprisonment, especially of such citizens as may have been thus arrested and imprisoned under a suspension of habeas corpus in Ireland, and if not incompatible with the public interest, that he communicate such information as he receives, together with all the correspondence now on file in the Department of State relating to any existing arrest or imprisonment of citizens as aforesaid;" upon which Mr. Robinson, of New York, made a violent speech, copy of which is herewith inclosed, against the British Government, and said, alluding to the prohibition of the importation of hogs into England from America some time ago, which created so much sensation, "Oh! that we only paid as much attention, as much honor, to a live American citizen as we do to a dead Cincinnati hog!" I called Mr. Frelinghuysen's attention to the terms of this resolution, and to the language used in debate upon it, but he said he had no knowledge of any such resolution as I had now alluded to, and which I showed to him, nor could he tell me what was likely to be the ultimate fate of it. I remarked to Mr. Frelinghuysen that, although not much importance need be attached to such language as that used by Mr. Robinson, still the wording of the resolution was calculated to produce a bad effect, and might cause unnecessary irritation. Mr. Frelinghuysen said he would make inquiries as to what had taken place in the committee respecting the resolution. I have, &c., L. S. SACKVILLE WEST. [Inclosure in No. 21.] [Extract from the National Republican of January 24, 1882.]. Mr. Robinson, of New York, took the floor to discuss the resolution. He related how, Some months ago, he had met the late English minister, and how that gentleman had stated to him that some American hogs of bad character had been taken over to England for consumption. The wires under the Atlantic had flashed the news of outrages that were about to be perpetrated upon the dead Ohio hog. At the same time, American citizens, who had fought upon the battle-fields of the Union, whose blood had given additional redness to the Stripes and brightened the glory of the Stars, were thrown into prison without any crime being alleged against them, were tried as felons, and were without any opportunity to get their cases before the Government or the people of the United States. He (Mr. Robinson) had been led to exclaim: "Oh! that we only paid as much attention, as much honor, to a live American citizen as we do to a dead Cincinnati hog." But so it was. The State Department would not call up the cases of those citizens and have them examined. There were five American citizens now confined in British bastiles. They had been seized, brought before a jury, tried, and acquitted; but immediately afterward the suspension of the habeas corpus had been brought to bear, they had been rearrested, and were now languishing in prison. He had endeavored to get the cases of these moaning, sickened, dying American citizens before this House, but, until the present time, had been unable to do so. He was going to move an amendment to the report, and was going to take higher ground than was there taken. Not only had the United States a right to interfere in behalf of American citizens in British prisons, but it had the right, and it was its duty, to demand the release of the members of Parliament elected by the people of Great Britain, and whom the British Government had imprisoned. "A gentleman here," continued Mr. Robinson, "shakes his head. I will shake his heart." Mr. Robinson then quoted from a speech delivered by Lord John Russell in favor of the British Government interfering to compel the release by the Tuscan Government of certain of its own subjects. Russian despotism hid its head, Turkish tyranny paled into insignificance, and grew pygmyish in comparison with the great wrong and tyranny and despotism that had been inflicted on some of the people of Great Britain. At this point the matter went over until Tuesday, when it will come up as unfinished business. WASHINGTON, February 1, 1882. (Received February 18.) With reference to my dispatch of the 25th ultimo, I have the honor to inform your lordship that the House of Representatives, after a long debate, adopted the resolu tion reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the terms of which are as follows: "Resolved, That the President be requested to obtain a list of American citizens, naturalized or native-born, under arrest or imprisonment in Great Britain by authority of said government, with a statement of the cause or causes of such arrest and imprisonment, and especially of such citizens as have been thus arrested and imprisoned under the suspension of the habeas corpus in Ireland, and that he communicate such information, when received, to this House, together with all correspondence now on file with the Department of State relating to any existing arrest and imprisonment of citizens as aforesaid." I do not think it necessary to trouble your lordship with comments on the abusive speech of Mr. Robinson, of New York, in support of his amendment, to which no importance was attached, but at the same time I would remark upon the fact of the resolution having been adopted, as showing the importance attached to conciliating the Irish vote. Mr. Orth, of Indiana, however, stated, in support of the resolution which he, as a member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported back to the House, that it was one simply of inquiry, calling upon the State Department to furnish to the House such information as may be accessible in reference to alleged wrongs committed against certain American citizens within the jurisdiction of the British Government, adding that sundry petitions and memorials to this effect which had reached the committee formed the basis of it. In this sense the House adopted the resolution, whereupon Mr. Orth moved to reconsider the vote by which it was adopted, and also that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. My LORD: I have the honor to acquaint you that the Acting Secretary of State has transmitted to me a resolution of the House of Representatives, a copy of which I inclose herewith, by which the President is requested to furnish the information therein specified concerning the arrest and imprisonment of American citizens by the British Government. The Acting Secretary desires me to submit to him a full and accurate report on the subject with as little delay as practicable. As there are many such cases of arrest and imprisonment, of which I cannot conveniently obtain the particulars excepting through the kind offices of your lordship, I respectfully ask that you will cause me to be furnished with the information requested by the resolution, so far as the same may be properly afforded by Her Majesty's Government. [Inclosure in No. 23.] RESOLUTION. FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION. CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, January 31, 1882. Resolved, That the President be requested to obtain a list of all American citizens, naturalized or native-born, under arrest or imprisonment by authority of the British Government, with a statement of the cause or causes of such arrest and imprisonment, and especially such of said citizens as may have been thus arrested and imprisoned under the suspension of the habeas corpus in Ireland; and, if not incom patible with the public interest, that he communicate such information, when received, to this House, together with all correspondence now on file in the Department of State relating to any existing arrest and imprisonment of citizens as aforesaid. Attest: EDW. MCPHERSON, Clerk. No. 24. Mr. West to Earl Granville. [Extract.] WASHINGTON, February 15, 1882. (Received March 4.) With reference to my dispatch of the 1st instant, I have the honor to inform your lordship that the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives having reported adversely a further resolution offered by Mr. Robinson, of New York, respecting the arrest of American citizens in Ireland, it was "tabled" (tantamount to its death-blow) by a majority of 117 to 102. This resolution was to the following effect: "Resolved, That the Attorney-General of the United States is hereby directed to communicate to this House his opinion, in writing, on the following question: "If Joseph Warren Keifer, Speaker of this House, or Alonzo B. Cornell, governor of the State of New York, or Charles Carroll, a laborer in the department of public works in the city of New York, being a citizen of the United States, visit any part of the British Empire, and should there be arrested without having committed any crime, and without any definite charge of crime being alleged against him, could the English Government, by suspending the habeas corpus, or otherwise, lawfully detain him indefinitely on suspicion, without trial, or without any right in our government to demand his release? Also, his opinion on the application of the law of the 29th July, 1568, to such cases, and the President's duty under it." Another resolution was then reported back to the House with a recommendation that it should likewise be tabled. The terms were: Resolved, That the President of the United States, if not incompatible with the public service, be requested to communicate to this House all correspondence with the British Government on file in the State Department with reference to the case of D. H. O'Connor, a citizen of the United States, now imprisoned in Ireland." The House, however, refused by 79 to 71 to do so, and a long discussion ensued upon it. The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs having stated that he had not understood that this resolution had been considered by the committee, a point of order was raised on the ground that the resolution was not a report of the committee, and Mr. Cox, of New York, then moved to recommit it, and to insert therein the names of Michael Hart, H. O'Mahoney, and John McEnery, and to add a clause requesting the President to demand of the British Government the prompt trial of those citizens or their prompt release, whereupon Mr. Orth, of Indiana, the reporter of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, stated that he had no cbjection to such action being taken, and the resolution was accordingly recommitted with instructions as above stated. The only real point of interest in the discussion was the production of a letter from ex-Secretary Blaine to the brother of Denis O'Connor, in which, in speaking of the action of the British Government, he "reminds him that the act of Parliament under which O'Connor is held is a law of Great Britain, and it is an elementary principle of public law that in such case the government of that country, in the exercise of its varied functions, judicial and executive, administers and interprets the law in question. The right of every government in this respect is absolute and sovereign, and every person who voluntarily brings himself within the jurisdiction of the country, whether permanently or temporarily, is subject to the operation of its laws, whether be be a citizen or mere resident. In stating this familiar principle, no more is conceded to Great Britain than every country may of right demand, and it is one of the Sovereign rights which the Government of the United States has always insisted upon and maintained for itself." A letter from the United States minister in London to the United States consul at Cork was also quoted, in which that minister says: Its "The coercion act, so called, is an exceptional and arbitrary measura. very substance and main purpose are to deprive suspected persons of the speedy trial they desire. This law is of course contrary to the spirit and foundation principles of both English and American jurisprudence. But it is the law of the land, and it controls all persons domiciled in the proclaimed districts of Ireland, whether they are British subjects or not, and it is manifestly entirely futile to claim that naturalized citizens of the United States should be exempted from its operation. "Unless I am instructed to the contrary by the Department of State, I must take this view of my duties." No. 25. Mr. West to Earl Granville. WASHINGTON, February 20, 1882. (Received March 4.) My LORD: I have the honor to transmit herewith to your lordship copy of a dispatch which I have received from Her Majesty's consul at Baltimore, inclosing copies of an extract from the Baltimore American, containing a notice of the case of Denis H. O'Connor, now imprisoned in Ireland, and who is one of those mentioned in the resolutions introduced in the House of Representatives, on the subject of which I had the honor to address your lordship in my dispatch of the 15th instant. I have, &c., [Inclosure 1 in No. 25.] L. S. SACKVILLE WEST. Consul Donohoe to Mr. West. BALTIMORE, February 17, 1882. SIR: I noticed in a debate in Congress a few days ago on the subject of American citizens arrested in Ireland under the "coercion act" mention was made of a mau named Denis O'Connor, belonging to Baltimore, and now in jail in Ireland. I was about making inquiries as to O'Connor when I saw the inclosed notice of his case in the Baltimore American of this morning. I have, &c., ONOHOE. DENIS DONOHOE. [Inclosure 2 in No. 25.] [Extract from the Baltimore American of February 17, 1882.] THE CASE OF DENIS O'CONNOR AND HIS CLAIM OF AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP.—Mr. Denis H. O'Connor, who is now confined in prison in Ireland as a "suspect," and over whose case quite a discussion occurred in the House of Representatives on Tuesday, was formerly a resident of Baltimore. He is a brother of Mr. P. C. O'Connor, who keeps a grocery store at the corner of Chase and Chapel streets, and is a fully naturalized citizen of the United States. Mr. P. C. O'Connor was called upon yesterday by an American reporter, and in response to inquiries, stated that his brother, Denis H. O'Connor, the prisoner alluded to, had resided in Baltimore for ten years previous to 1878, in which year, being broken down in health, he had taken a trip to Ireland, and had since made it his home. He had while in this city been an active and energetic business man, and among other houses with which he was associated were mentioned Hinkelman, Jackson, and Phelps, of Baltimore; John B. Ellison & Son, of Philadelphia; and Dahlnen, Forbes & Co., of New York. His health being partially restored shortly after landing in Ireland, Mr. O'Connor opened an extensive dry-goods establishment in Charleville, county Cork, and another in Kilmallock, county Limerick. His brother says that Denis was a general favorite on account of his genial disposition, but more, perhaps, on account of his outspoken love for republican institutions. When the Land League agitation commenced, O'Connor was chosen as treasurer of the Charville Branch, and so remained until arrested on the 22d October, 1881. Mr. P. C. O'Connor, on learning of the arrest of his brother, took steps to obtain his release on the ground of American citizenship. He procured a letter of introduction from Mayor Whyte to the then Secretary of State, Mr. Blaine, and proceeding to Washington, laid the whole case before Mr. Blaine. On the 25th November, 1881, Mr. P. C. O'Connor received a letter from Mr. Blaine, in which it was stated that the case was one of a class receiving the attention of the government, and would take the same course as others preceding it. Mr. Blaine also reminded Mr. O'Connor that the act of Parliament under which his brother is held is a law of Great Britain and that it is an elementary principle of public law that in such cases the government of that country, in the exercise of its varied functions, judicial and executive, administers and interprets the law. The right of every government in this respect, says Mr. Blaine, is absolute and sovereign, and every person who voluntarily brings himself within the jurisdiction of the country, |